Carolingian monk Paschasius Radbertus's influential theological treatise defending Mary's miraculous virginity during childbirth against contemporaries who argued for a natural birth, employing patristic citations and scriptural typology to demonstrate that Christ's birth, like His conception and resurrection, transcended natural laws while preserving His true humanity.

Historical Context

De Partu Virginis (“On the Birth of the Virgin [Mother]”) is a 9th-century Latin treatise authored by Paschasius Radbertus, a Carolingian monk and theologian. Radbertus (c.785–865) served as abbot of Corbie in Picardy and was an influential teacher in the Carolingian Renaissance (CATHOLIC ENCYCLOPEDIA: Saint Paschasius Radbertus) ( Saint Paschasius Radbertus - Daily Compass ). He composed De Partu Virginis around the year 847, roughly three years after becoming abbot ( Saint Paschasius Radbertus - Daily Compass ). The work appears in two books (libri duo) and is preserved in Patrologia Latina vol. 120 (columns 1365–1386) (CATHOLIC ENCYCLOPEDIA: Saint Paschasius Radbertus). Radbertus addresses the treatise to a women’s monastic community – specifically to a “venerable matron in Christ together with the holy virgins living in the monastery at Vesona” – indicating it was written for an abbess and her nuns (De partu Virginis (Paschasius Radbertus) - Wikisource). In this dedication he humbly calls himself “monachorum omnium peripsema” (the offscouring of all monks), setting a tone of humility while also acknowledging the special interest consecrated virgins would have in the topic of Mary’s virginity (De partu Virginis (Paschasius Radbertus) - Wikisource) (De partu Virginis (Paschasius Radbertus) - Wikisource).

The immediate ecclesiastical context of De Partu Virginis was a Carolingian theological debate concerning the nature of Christ’s birth and Mary’s virginity. Radbertus wrote in defense of the doctrine of Mary’s perpetual virginity, particularly her virginity in partu (during the act of giving birth) (CATHOLIC ENCYCLOPEDIA: Saint Paschasius Radbertus). This issue had been considered settled since St. Jerome’s 4th-century polemic against Helvidius (who had denied Mary’s lasting virginity), which Radbertus explicitly cites (De partu Virginis (Paschasius Radbertus) - Wikisource). However, in Radbertus’s time the question resurfaced: his fellow monk Ratramnus of Corbie took a different view of the virgin birth. Ratramnus argued that Christ’s birth occurred “in the natural human way” so as not to diminish Jesus’ true humanity (Ratramnus - Wikipedia). In a treatise likely responding to Radbertus (sometimes titled De partu Christi or De eo quod Christus ex Virgine natus est), Ratramnus maintained that Jesus was born naturaliter per virginalis januam – “naturally through the virgin’s gate [womb]” – though without corrupting Mary’s virginity ( Philip Schaff: History of the Christian Church, Volume IV: Mediaeval Christianity. A.D. 590-1073 - Christian Classics Ethereal Library ) ( Philip Schaff: History of the Christian Church, Volume IV: Mediaeval Christianity. A.D. 590-1073 - Christian Classics Ethereal Library ). This position aimed to avoid any docetist implication that Jesus’ birth was merely phantasmal, emphasizing that if Mary did not give birth in the normal way, Christ’s human birth might be questioned (De partu Virginis (Paschasius Radbertus) - Wikisource). Radbertus, by contrast, found such reasoning dangerous and irreverent, and De Partu Virginis was written as a direct rejoinder defending the miraculous nature of Christ’s birth and the intact virginity of Mary. Contemporary reports note that Radbertus’ treatise was indeed composed “in direct response” to Ratramnus’s assertions (Marie de Nazareth: St Paschasius Radbertus (c. 790-865)). This debate occurred amid the intellectually vigorous environment of the Carolingian court, which also saw controversies on the Eucharist and predestination; Radbertus himself was a key figure in the Eucharistic controversy (upholding the Real Presence against Ratramnus’s more symbolic view) and participated in councils like Paris (847) and Quierzy (849) to settle doctrinal issues ( Saint Paschasius Radbertus - Daily Compass ) ( Saint Paschasius Radbertus - Daily Compass ). Thus, De Partu Virginis emerges from a milieu of fervent doctrinal consolidation and reflects the Carolingian effort to synthesize patristic tradition with contemporary theological inquiry.

Theological Significance

As a treatise, De Partu Virginis holds significant doctrinal importance, particularly in the areas of Marian theology and Christology. Radbertus’ primary aim is to uphold Mary’s perpetual virginity – that Mary remained a virgin ante partum, in partu et post partum (before, during, and after the birth of Christ). In this work he focuses on the miraculous integrity of Mary during childbirth, countering any implication that the act of delivery negated her virginity. Radbertus argues that the manner of Jesus’ birth was extraordinary and divine, fully preserving Mary’s physical and spiritual virginity. He explicitly rejects the notion that Christ’s nativity followed “the common law of nature” with all the normal birth pangs and physical effects. He quotes his opponents as saying Mary “could not or ought not to have given birth other than by the common law of nature, as is the way of all women” so that Christ’s birth be a true human birth (De partu Virginis (Paschasius Radbertus) - Wikisource). To this, Radbertus responds with strong language: “O blind piety, that thinks so impiously of Mary the Virgin, and blind presumption, that speaks so impiously of Christ!” (De partu Virginis (Paschasius Radbertus) - Wikisource). If Christ had been born in the ordinary manner, he argues, then – God forbid – “Mary is no longer a virgin, Christ was born under a curse… and she who was proclaimed blessed by the angel would remain under the curse” of Eve’s fall (De partu Virginis (Paschasius Radbertus) - Wikisource). In other words, Radbertus sees the virginal character of Christ’s birth as integrally tied to the work of redemption: Mary’s childbirth, free from the curse (malediction) laid upon Eve, signifies the advent of grace and the lifting of the primal curse (De partu Virginis (Paschasius Radbertus) - Wikisource) (De partu Virginis (Paschasius Radbertus) - Wikisource). Because Mary’s son is the Savior, Radbertus insists her bearing of Him must have been without the pain, corruption, or “filth” of ordinary childbirth, as these are consequences of sin from which both Christ and His Mother were preserved (De partu Virginis (Paschasius Radbertus) - Wikisource) (De partu Virginis (Paschasius Radbertus) - Wikisource).

The treatise thus has implications for Christology as well. By emphasizing the miraculous birth, Radbertus in no way denies Christ’s true humanity; rather, he underscores that Jesus’ birth was a unique mystery of the Incarnation. He frequently reiterates that the incarnation and nativity of Christ are “totum divinum et ineffabile” – entirely divine and ineffable – even as Christ is truly born as man (De partu Virginis (Paschasius Radbertus) - Wikisource). Radbertus draws on the prophecy of Isaiah 53:8, “Generationem eius quis enarrabit?” (“Who shall describe His generation?”), to stress that no human reasoning can fully explain the mode of Christ’s generation (De partu Virginis (Paschasius Radbertus) - Wikisource) (De partu Virginis (Paschasius Radbertus) - Wikisource). For Radbertus, Christ’s conception by the Holy Spirit and birth from a virgin form one seamless miracle that affirms both His divinity and humanity. On one hand, the miraculous virgin birth highlights Christ’s divine origin: only by God’s power could He be born “utero clauso” (from a closed womb) (De partu Virginis (Paschasius Radbertus) - Wikisource). On the other hand, Radbertus is careful to affirm that Jesus took real human flesh from Mary – “de carne Virginis procreatus est, et ideo uberibus… lactatus” (“He was generated from the Virgin’s flesh, and therefore was rightly suckled at her breasts”) (De partu Virginis (Paschasius Radbertus) - Wikisource). By insisting that Jesus was born in a sui generis manner (not by the lex naturae of fallen humanity), Radbertus does not imply Christ was less than fully human; rather, Christ’s birth is analogous to His Resurrection – both events involve a glorified physical reality that transcends normal experience. Indeed, Radbertus explicitly compares the Virgin Birth to the risen Christ passing through closed doors and leaving the sealed tomb: just as Jesus entered the Upper Room “januis clausis” (when the doors were shut) on Easter and left the tomb with the stone still sealed, so “clauso utero natus est” – He came forth from the womb while it remained closed (De partu Virginis (Paschasius Radbertus) - Wikisource) (De partu Virginis (Paschasius Radbertus) - Wikisource). This parallel, which Radbertus borrows from earlier fathers, safeguards the truth that Christ’s birth, though miraculous, did not detract from His tangible reality. Jesus “came to us even while the womb was shut, just as He came to His disciples through closed doors”, Radbertus writes (Sam Storms: Oklahoma City, Oklahoma > The Virgin Mary), highlighting that the same Lord who would later show His wounds to Thomas is the one who miraculously entered the world without violating His Mother’s virginal integrity. In Radbertus’s theology, this miracle is fitting for the God-Man: “For God to be born as man from a Virgin is not a work of nature but of power, not an ordinary occurrence but a mystery” (De partu Virginis (Paschasius Radbertus) - Wikisource). It was a singular divine dignatio (condescending grace) that Incorruption Himself was born without corrupting His Mother, in order to manifest both His divinity and the sanctity of His birth.

Another key theological motif in De Partu Virginis is the concept of Mary’s holiness and freedom from sin. Radbertus stops short of a full-fledged doctrine of the Immaculate Conception (which would be formulated centuries later), but he strongly implies it. He argues that because Mary’s childbearing was exempt from the Edenic curse (no pain or bodily defilement), this reflects Mary’s unique sanctification. He notes that Mary “brought a blessing to the world in place of the curse [of Eve]” and was “free from every stain of the curse” (De partu Virginis (Paschasius Radbertus) - Wikisource) (De partu Virginis (Paschasius Radbertus) - Wikisource). He connects this to the angel’s greeting “blessed art thou among women” (Luke 1:28) and Elizabeth’s prophetic salutation (Luke 1:42), seeing Mary as the blessed new Eve who by grace escapes the miseries of fallen childbirth (De partu Virginis (Paschasius Radbertus) - Wikisource). Modern scholars indeed remark that Radbertus “intuited the Virgin Mary’s Immaculate Conception” inasmuch as he wrote that Mary “was exempt from all original sin” ( Saint Paschasius Radbertus - Daily Compass ). While he does not systematize this point, Radbertus’s instinct is that the Mother of God was specially prepared by grace – filled with the Holy Spirit and overshadowed by the power of the Most High – such that her virginal womb was a “hospice of sanctity” untouched by sin or corruption. This ties into the broader Christological necessity: “Incorruption, in being born, had to maintain the Mother’s initial integrity…preserve the seal of purity”, as Pope Leo the Great had taught (The Virgin Shall Give Birth: The Road to the Dogmatic Definition - Missio Immaculatae Magazine) (The Virgin Shall Give Birth: The Road to the Dogmatic Definition - Missio Immaculatae Magazine). Thus Radbertus sees Mary’s perpetual virginity not only as a Marian privilege but as a truth about Christ’s holy birth: it was fitting that the Savior enter the world in a manner befitting His sanctity, preserving His Mother’s honor. In summary, De Partu Virginis is theologically significant for articulating how Marian doctrine (perpetual virginity) and Christology (the nature of Christ’s birth) intertwine. It defends a doctrine that would become standard in Christian tradition – that Mary is ever-virgin – and in doing so, underscores the miraculous, grace-filled character of the Incarnation. Radbertus’s treatment reinforced the understanding of Mary as the new Eve and Theotokos whose virginity signifies the new creation in Christ, free from the old curse. His work thus stands in continuity with the Church’s long veneration of Mary’s unique role in salvation history, while also responding to the particular theological concerns of his own time.

Literary Structure and Style

De Partu Virginis is organized in two books, comprising an extended argument with a clear logical flow. Radbertus begins with a praefatio (preface) in which he introduces the purpose of the work and the question at hand (De partu Virginis (Paschasius Radbertus) - Wikisource). Notably, he frames the treatise as an answer to a question about Mary’s birth-giving that was “recently brought” to him (“Quaestionem… de partu beatae Mariae Virginis mihi nuper allatam… vobis persolvere decrevi” – “I have decided to resolve for you, dearest ones, the question about the birth of the Blessed Virgin Mary that was lately brought to me”) (De partu Virginis (Paschasius Radbertus) - Wikisource) (De partu Virginis (Paschasius Radbertus) - Wikisource). This suggests the work has an occasional nature: it was prompted by a specific inquiry, likely arising from the contemporary dispute. After the preface, Radbertus proceeds methodically. Book One sets out the problem and Radbertus’s thesis, then marshals authorities and arguments in favor of the miraculous virgin birth. Book Two continues with more in-depth exposition, scriptural exegesis, and refutation of objections. The Catholic Encyclopedia notes that Radbertus “wrote two books De Partu Virginis, in which he defended the perpetual virginity of Mary” (CATHOLIC ENCYCLOPEDIA: Saint Paschasius Radbertus), indicating that each “book” formed a part of the overall treatise. Throughout the text, Radbertus often uses a scholastic-sounding approach (avant la lettre, since scholastic method proper would develop in later centuries) by stating the objections of his opponents and then rebutting them. He literally quotes the positions of the quidam fratres (“certain brethren”) who argue for a merely natural birth, listing their argument point by point (De partu Virginis (Paschasius Radbertus) - Wikisource) (De partu Virginis (Paschasius Radbertus) - Wikisource), before responding with his own counter-arguments. This disputational structure makes the work almost a dialogue with an implicit adversary, a style that would later be common in medieval theological writings.

Despite this logical structure, Radbertus’s style is far from dry. The work is richly rhetorical and scriptural. He employs elevated, at times passionate, language to inspire reverence for the mystery of Christ’s birth. For example, when countering the “blind presumption” of those who demand a normal birth, he breaks into an exclamatory rebuke (“O caeca pietas… O caeca praesumptio…”) (De partu Virginis (Paschasius Radbertus) - Wikisource). He frequently punctuates his discourse with such interjections and with appeals to piety, showing that his aim is not merely to win an argument but to defend the honor of Christ and Mary. Radbertus’s rhetoric also leans heavily on antithesis and parallelism – a classical stylistic trait. A striking instance is his description of the Incarnation: “Nam quod nascitur Deus homo ex Virgine non est consuetudo, sed mysterium; non est natura, sed virtus… non est ordo nascendi, sed potestas.” (“For that God is born as man from a Virgin is not a matter of custom, but of mystery; it is not by nature, but by power; it is not the ordinary course of birth, but an act of authority.”) (De partu Virginis (Paschasius Radbertus) - Wikisource). This balanced series of contrasts (custom vs. mystery, nature vs. divine power, natural order vs. divine authority) gives the prose a rhythmic, emphatic character and drives home Radbertus’s point that Christ’s birth stands outside ordinary categories. Such rhetorical flourish reflects Radbertus’s education in monastic Latin culture, which prized clarity and elegance in theological exposition.

Another notable aspect of the treatise’s style is its extensive use of authoritative sources and imagery. Radbertus was clearly well-versed in Scripture and the Church Fathers, and he integrates their words seamlessly into his argument. Each book of the treatise weaves together biblical quotations (e.g. Isaiah, the Gospels) and patristic citations (from Ambrose, Jerome, Augustine, Gregory the Great, and others) to bolster every assertion. For instance, early in Book I he cites St. Jerome’s victorious polemic against Helvidius as a precedent (De partu Virginis (Paschasius Radbertus) - Wikisource), and later he quotes St. Ambrose’s commentary on Luke to describe the Holy Spirit “infusing” the seed in Mary’s womb without opening “the secrets of the virgin’s womb” (De partu Virginis (Paschasius Radbertus) - Wikisource). These citations are introduced fluidly, often with honorific epithets like “beatus Ambrosius ait…” (“blessed Ambrose says…”) (De partu Virginis (Paschasius Radbertus) - Wikisource), lending weight to Radbertus’s case. In effect, Radbertus constructs a catena (chain) of traditions, letting the revered voices of the past testify alongside his own reasoning. This gives the work a pedagogical tone as well: one can imagine Radbertus, an experienced monastic teacher, carefully presenting authorities to persuade and instruct his readers (the nuns) in sound doctrine.

The lexicon and syntax of De Partu Virginis are characteristic of 9th-century ecclesiastical Latin, shaped by Biblical Latin and patristic formulations. Radbertus generally writes in a clear, grammatically structured Latin, often in long, periodic sentences typical of theological treatises. He does not shy away from technical or vivid terms. For example, when describing the normal birthing process that he insists did not occur with Mary, he uses graphic words like “colluvionem sanguinis” and “spurcitias fecundarum” – the “bloody outflow” and “impurities of childbirth” (De partu Virginis (Paschasius Radbertus) - Wikisource) – to underscore the messiness of ordinary births, from which Mary was spared. Conversely, he speaks of Mary’s “pudoris sigillum” (seal of modesty/chastity) remaining intact (De partu Virginis (Paschasius Radbertus) - Wikisource), a delicate way to refer to her physical virginity. Such phrases show Radbertus’s ability to move from almost medical frankness to reverent euphemism as the context requires. He even employs Greek terms on a few occasions, demonstrating the scholarly habit of Carolingian writers to draw on Greek patristic sources or terminology. For instance, he mentions that in normal childbirth the “sigillum pudoris” (seal of chastity) is afflicted with “kakíais”, explaining “Kakia namque dicuntur Graece vexationes” – “‘kakiai’ is what the Greeks call the birth pangs or torments” (De partu Virginis (Paschasius Radbertus) - Wikisource). By using the Greek word for “evils” or “pains,” Radbertus perhaps echoes Greek fathers or shows off a touch of erudition in front of his Latin-reading audience. Overall, the language of the treatise is elevated yet concrete: Radbertus can be philosophically abstract (speaking of mysterium and virtus) and in the next breath quite concrete (speaking of wombs, blood, and pain), all in service of painting a full picture of the mystery at hand.

In terms of organization, Radbertus also makes use of typology and allegory as structural elements. Portions of the work read like a biblical commentary, wherein Radbertus expounds certain Scripture verses as prophetic types of Mary’s virgin birth. This gives a quasi-structured feel where, for example, he will discuss the meaning of a prophecy and then apply it to Mary. We see this in how he brings in the Canticle of Canticles (Song of Songs) 4:12 image of the “hortus conclusus…fons signatus” (“a garden enclosed, a fountain sealed”) (De partu Virginis (Paschasius Radbertus) - Wikisource), explaining that Mary is the enclosed garden (remaining inviolate at Christ’s conception) and the sealed fountain (remaining intact at His birth) (De partu Virginis (Paschasius Radbertus) - Wikisource). Likewise, he discusses Ezekiel 44:2 (the closed gate through which only the Lord God of Israel enters) as a prophecy of the ever-virginal womb of Mary ( Philip Schaff: History of the Christian Church, Volume IV: Mediaeval Christianity. A.D. 590-1073 - Christian Classics Ethereal Library ). These scriptural motifs structure parts of his argument: after laying out his initial rebuttal, Radbertus goes on a kind of exegetical journey through these texts, showing how the Old Testament foreshadowed the miraculous birth. This gives the treatise a repetitive, reinforcing structure – he circles back to the main point (Mary’s virginity intact) through multiple angles: logical refutation, patristic witness, scriptural typology, and spiritual analogy. In the latter part of the work, Radbertus even introduces an allegorical comparison between Mary and the Church: he notes that Christ, while keeping Mary’s womb sealed, opened the womb of Holy Mother Church to be fruitful in producing new Christians (De partu Virginis (Paschasius Radbertus) - Wikisource). This theological aside shows Radbertus’s tendency to link ideas together (Mariology and ecclesiology in this case), adding layers of meaning to the structure of his exposition.

All told, the literary profile of De Partu Virginis is that of a learned monastic discourse: structured enough to follow a clear argument, rich in authoritative references, and styled with both logical rigor and devotional fervor. Radbertus’s skillful writing ensured that the treatise was not merely an abstract theological tract but also a piece capable of edifying the faithful and deepening reverence for the mystery of Christ’s Nativity.

Textual and Linguistic Analysis

From a textual perspective, De Partu Virginis offers insight into Carolingian Latin usage and the transmission of patristic thought. The Latin in which Radbertus writes is generally classical in its grammar, yet distinctly Patristic/Medieval in vocabulary and tone. He relies heavily on Biblical Latin phrasing; for example, terms like conceptus, partus, uterum, Virgo, benedicta, etc., come straight from the Vulgate vocabulary surrounding the Nativity stories. His sentence structure often mirrors the cursus and cadences found in Latin Fathers like Augustine or Ambrose, with periodic sentences and clausulae that would have been appreciated by educated monks. At times the syntax can become quite complex, with multiple subordinate clauses as Radbertus layers scriptural allusions within his own sentences. However, he usually concludes each thought clearly, often with a pointed declarative statement or a rhetorical question that sums up his point (e.g., “Quod si ita est… jam Maria virgo non est” – “If that were so, then Mary is no longer a virgin” (De partu Virginis (Paschasius Radbertus) - Wikisource)).

One striking feature is Radbertus’s use of imagery and metaphor drawn from earlier texts, which reveals potential influences. For example, he speaks of Christ “apertum sibi pervium fecit salvo sigillo pudoris” – “[He] made [the womb] open and passable for Himself while preserving the seal of chastity” (De partu Virginis (Paschasius Radbertus) - Wikisource). This imagery of the “seal of chastity” being unbroken is found in patristic literature (St. Augustine and others used similar language), indicating Radbertus is borrowing traditional expressions to describe Mary’s virginity. Likewise, the references to the “claustrum uteri” (lock of the womb) and comparisons to Christ passing through closed doors echo phrases found in the sermons of early Church figures (e.g., a sermon once attributed to St. Peter Chrysologus which uses the locked doors analogy, and which Radbertus actually quotes twice in his work (The Virgin Shall Give Birth: The Road to the Dogmatic Definition - Missio Immaculatae Magazine)). Radbertus’s Latin is thus intertextual – it resonates with the Latin of his sources. In places, he even seems to be doing textual exegesis of patristic statements. In one notable passage, he examines a line from St. Jerome’s treatise Against Helvidius and clarifies that Jerome was not “yielding” to Helvidius’s argument about the “lodging of the womb” and “vileness of birth,” but rather extolling God’s humble condescension (De partu Virginis (Paschasius Radbertus) - Wikisource) (De partu Virginis (Paschasius Radbertus) - Wikisource). This shows Radbertus’s comfort in handling earlier texts and integrating their exact Latin phrasing into his own.

Linguistically, Radbertus does not hesitate to introduce theological and philosophical vocabulary. He uses terms like mysterium (mystery), dignatio (condescension), virtus (power or virtue) in a quasi-technical sense to discuss God’s action in the Incarnation (De partu Virginis (Paschasius Radbertus) - Wikisource). These words have rich semantic fields – virtus, for instance, can mean divine miraculous power – and Radbertus exploits that to convey the wonder of the event. When refuting the notion of a normal birth, he employs almost legalistic language: “Non dico quod dicant virginitatem amisisse… sed quia idem quod confitentur negant” – “I am not saying that they claim she lost her virginity… but [my point is] that they deny what they profess” (De partu Virginis (Paschasius Radbertus) - Wikisource). Here he parses the opponents’ stance with precision, as if in a disputation, highlighting a contradiction. This careful parsing is a hallmark of developing medieval scholastic language, even though Radbertus writes before the Scholastic era; it shows the analytic bent of 9th-century monastic scholarship.

Radbertus’s Latin is also marked by a certain poetic flair at times. When he invokes the Song of Songs imagery, he writes almost in verse: “hortus ille conclusus… fons signatus permansit… nec… integritatem violavit” (De partu Virginis (Paschasius Radbertus) - Wikisource). The alliteration and assonance in “fons signatus… fructus ventris ejus…” etc., give those lines a liturgical or poetic quality, suggesting that passages of De Partu Virginis could be read aloud for edification, not just silently studied. In fact, the treatise’s language occasionally approaches that of a sermon or homily. This is unsurprising, since Radbertus also composed homilies on Mary; he was capable of a homiletic tone even in a treatise. For instance, after presenting arguments, Radbertus often exhorts the “fideles” (the faithful) not to believe anything irreverent about Mary (De partu Virginis (Paschasius Radbertus) - Wikisource). These direct appeals, and the insistence on devotissime venerari (most devoutly venerating) the mystery (De partu Virginis (Paschasius Radbertus) - Wikisource), blur the line between strict academic discourse and spiritual exhortation. The Latin is serving a dual purpose: to convince the mind and move the heart.

From a textual transmission viewpoint, De Partu Virginis was preserved and eventually printed in the 19th century by J.-P. Migne in Patrologia Latina vol.120. Modern critical editions (such as E. Ann Matter’s 1985 CCCM edition) have collated the surviving manuscripts. These studies show that Radbertus’s Latin, while generally standard for its time, contains a few unique or rare terms. The self-description peripsema (from Greek peripsēma, “offscouring” or refuse) in the preface is one such rare word, likely drawn from St. Paul’s usage in 1 Corinthians 4:13. Its inclusion indicates that Radbertus expected his audience of nuns to recognize the humility trope in calling himself a “castaway” – a sign of the Pauline influence on monastic Latin. Similarly, his use of physiologi to describe those who too “naturally” analyze the virgin birth (literally calling them “very clever natural philosophers” in mockery (De partu Virginis (Paschasius Radbertus) - Wikisource)) is a pointed term, reflecting how Carolingian scholars viewed overly scientific prying into sacred mysteries.

In sum, the linguistic texture of De Partu Virginis is a rich tapestry of biblical echoes, patristic citations, monastic terminology, and rhetorical devices. It exemplifies how a 9th-century theologian could write in a way that was both deeply rooted in tradition and responsive to contemporary debate. For modern readers, Radbertus’s Latin offers a window into Carolingian pedagogy: a Latin that teaches doctrine by weaving together authority and reason, and does so in language meant to inspire awe for divine truths.

Connections to Patristic and Medieval Thought

De Partu Virginis stands firmly in continuity with patristic theology, while also influencing later medieval thought. Radbertus saw himself as defending the consensus of the Church Fathers on Mary’s perpetual virginity. Throughout the treatise, he explicitly aligns with earlier authorities such as St. Ambrose, St. Jerome, St. Augustine, St. Gregory the Great, and others. He often invokes these names to show that his doctrine is nothing novel, but the received tradition. For example, he notes that “blessed Jerome… wrote against the heretic Helvidius” and so vanquished that error that “up to the present, no resurgence of that error has arisen” (De partu Virginis (Paschasius Radbertus) - Wikisource). By invoking Jerome’s triumph over Helvidius (who in 380s denied Mary’s perpetual virginity), Radbertus situates De Partu Virginis as the heir of that earlier battle – essentially a reaffirmation for the 9th century of what Jerome and others had established: Mary remained ever-virgin (De partu Virginis (Paschasius Radbertus) - Wikisource).

Radbertus builds on specific patristic arguments and images. The classic proof-texts and symbols of Mary’s intact virginity employed by the Fathers are abundantly present. He cites, for instance, the “hortus conclusus” and “fons signatus” of Canticles 4:12, an image used by many Church Fathers (like Ambrose) to signify Mary’s inviolate womb ( Philip Schaff: History of the Christian Church, Volume IV: Mediaeval Christianity. A.D. 590-1073 - Christian Classics Ethereal Library ) (De partu Virginis (Paschasius Radbertus) - Wikisource). Radbertus interprets: Mary was the enclosed garden when conceiving (no corruption entered), and the sealed fountain when giving birth (no issue of blood violated her purity) (De partu Virginis (Paschasius Radbertus) - Wikisource). Likewise, he appeals to Ezekiel 44:2 – “This gate shall be shut… no man shall pass through it, because the Lord God of Israel has entered by it” – which, since at least the time of Ambrose and Jerome, had been read as a prophecy of the virgin womb that only Christ the Lord enters and that remains shut to any other ( Philip Schaff: History of the Christian Church, Volume IV: Mediaeval Christianity. A.D. 590-1073 - Christian Classics Ethereal Library ). Radbertus even quotes St. Ambrose’s commentary or hymn that references this porta clausa (closed gate) imagery (De partu Virginis (Paschasius Radbertus) - Wikisource) (De partu Virginis (Paschasius Radbertus) - Wikisource). In doing so, Radbertus is effectively synthesizing the patristic testimony on Mary. As one historian notes, Paschasius Radbertus, “following the lead of St. Ambrose and St. Jerome, defended the theory that the holy Virgin remained virgo in partu and post partum, and used in proof some poetic passages on the hortus conclusus and porta clausa” ( Philip Schaff: History of the Christian Church, Volume IV: Mediaeval Christianity. A.D. 590-1073 - Christian Classics Ethereal Library ). This encapsulates Radbertus’s approach: he is both inheriting and systematizing the imagery and arguments of the earlier Fathers.

Not only does Radbertus invoke the Western Latin fathers, but he also shows awareness of Greek patristic thought (likely mediated through Latin translations or summaries). He references a little “libellus of Athanasius” (De partu Virginis (Paschasius Radbertus) - Wikisource), and he uses Greek theological vocabulary like Theotokos (calling Mary the Genitrix Dei, Mother of God) and the aforementioned kakia for “birth pangs” (De partu Virginis (Paschasius Radbertus) - Wikisource). He might also have drawn indirectly on apocryphal traditions valued in the East – for example, the idea that Mary suffered no pain at Jesus’ birth is present in the Protoevangelium of James (2nd century apocryphon) and was championed by Eastern fathers like Gregory of Nyssa. Radbertus indeed reflects such ideas. Modern scholars observe that Radbertus “shows the importance of the influence of apocryphal literature, such as the Protevangelium of James, on the development of medieval Christian thought” in his Marian writings (Marie de Nazareth: St Paschasius Radbertus (c. 790-865)). This is evident in De Partu Virginis in the way he assumes details like Mary’s painless delivery and the midwife’s marvel at Mary’s intactness – elements found in apocryphal Nativity stories – even if he doesn’t mention the apocryphal source by name. Radbertus thus serves as a conduit through which some apocryphal/early Christian traditions entered the medieval Latin theological mainstream, now under the authorization of patristic citations and scriptural exegesis.

In turn, De Partu Virginis influenced subsequent medieval theology and devotion to Mary. While the treatise was not as famous as Radbertus’s Eucharistic work, it reinforced the doctrinal locus of Mary’s virginity in the medieval West. The ideas and analogies it contains became staples of later writings. For instance, 11th-century doctors like St. Peter Damian reiterated the miraculous birth using similar vivid descriptions. (An 11th-century text by Peter Damian describes Mary giving birth as lux in lucerna – light passing through glass, another image akin to Radbertus’s closed-door analogy ([PDF] Rev.M.J.Scheeben-Mariology-v.2_OCR.pdf).) The scholastic theologians of the 12th and 13th centuries also took up these questions. St. Thomas Aquinas, in Summa Theologiae III.28, argues for Mary’s virginity in partu by citing exactly the kind of reasoning Radbertus employed: the closed womb of Ezekiel, Christ’s passing through closed doors, and the fittingness of Mary being untouched by the pains of childbirth. Aquinas even notes the position of those (like Ratramnus, though Aquinas doesn’t name him) who thought a miraculous birth would detract from Christ’s humanity, only to firmly reject it in favor of the traditional view. In doing so, Aquinas and others were echoing the Carolingian debate – essentially coming down on Radbertus’s side. The Magisterium of the Church too eventually underscored Mary’s virginity in giving birth. The Lateran Council of 649 (a much earlier date) had already dogmatized the in partu virginity, and medieval theologians regarded that as authoritative. Radbertus’s work helped to articulate and reaffirm the rationale behind that dogma. By the time of the Reformation, the perpetual virginity (including in partu) was a widely held doctrine even among the magisterial Reformers (Luther, Calvin, etc.), and the Council of Trent (1545–63) also reiterated it (Sam Storms: Oklahoma City, Oklahoma > The Virgin Mary) (Sam Storms: Oklahoma City, Oklahoma > The Virgin Mary). We can see Radbertus as an important link in that chain of tradition: he took the patristic heritage and codified it in a Carolingian context, from which it would be handed on to the high Scholastic and late medieval Church.

Moreover, De Partu Virginis had a more immediate influence in Radbertus’s own milieu, especially in the monastic world. As it was written for nuns, it likely found a place in the spiritual formation of women religious. Radbertus emphasizes that Mary’s virginity is the “honor and model of virtue” for all the Church, and “maxime sanctimonialium virginum” – especially for consecrated virgins (De partu Virginis (Paschasius Radbertus) - Wikisource). This did not go unnoticed. The Speculum Virginum (a 12th-century guide for nuns) and other medieval spiritual texts for nuns incorporate Marian exemplarity and often employ the same bridal and virginal imagery that Radbertus loved. One scholar has noted that the author of Speculum Virginum “develops Paschasius’ teaching about the Virgin Bride into an extended reflection” (Patristic Traces and Innovation in the Speculum Virginum), indicating a direct line of inspiration. Radbertus’s portrayal of Mary as the ideal sanctimonialis (consecrated virgin) who embodies both perfect humility and perfect fruitfulness (spiritual motherhood without loss of virginity) would resonate through medieval convents. His work contributed to the medieval cult of the Virgin Mary, which saw Mary as the model for monastic virginity and the powerful intercessor who, being ever-pure, was uniquely close to Christ. In fact, Radbertus himself under a pseudonym (as “Jerome”) wrote Cogitis me, a letter on the Assumption of Mary, which became extremely popular in medieval France (Marie de Nazareth: St Paschasius Radbertus (c. 790-865)). That pseudonymous text, together with De Partu Virginis and his other Marian homilies, placed Radbertus as a significant voice in developing Western Mariology. Through him, earlier patristic Mariology — both doctrinal and devotional — flowed into the medieval period, where it blossomed in feasts, sermons, and art.

A late medieval depiction of the Virgin Mary’s miraculous childbirth, drawing on patristic symbols. In this early 15th-century panel, Mary sits in an enclosed garden (hortus conclusus) with the Christ Child, signifying her unbroken virginity. Surrounding her are Old Testament symbols applied by theologians like Radbertus: at top left, a sealed city gate (porta clausa, Ez 44:2) through which only the Lord enters; at right, Moses beholds the burning bush (a type of Mary conceiving God yet not consumed); at bottom right, a sealed fountain (fons signatus, Song 4:12) representing Mary’s purity. Such imagery illustrates the continuity from patristic exegesis to medieval art, underlining Mary’s virginal integrity ( Philip Schaff: History of the Christian Church, Volume IV: Mediaeval Christianity. A.D. 590-1073 - Christian Classics Ethereal Library ) (De partu Virginis (Paschasius Radbertus) - Wikisource).

In summary, De Partu Virginis is deeply rooted in patristic precedent – essentially gathering the insights of East and West (from the Protoevangelium and Athanasius to Ambrose, Jerome, Augustine, and Gregory) on the Virgin Birth – and it helped transmit and elaborate those insights for the medieval Church. Radbertus’s successful defense meant that the doctrine of Mary’s intact virginity in giving birth would not only remain a point of orthodoxy, but would also be imaginatively treasured in Christian spirituality. The treatise’s influence is discernible in later medieval theological treatises, popular Marian devotion, and even in the iconography of the late Middle Ages (as seen above), all of which celebrate Mary as the ever-virgin Mother of God.

Scholarly Interpretation

Modern scholarship regards De Partu Virginis as an important witness to Carolingian theology and as a document that sheds light on medieval Marian doctrine. Historically, scholars see Radbertus’s work as part of the Carolingian effort to systematize theology by engaging with questions that earlier generations treated more occasionally. The 20th-century historian Philip Schaff, for example, pointed out Radbertus’s role in solidifying the perpetual virginity teaching “as the faith of the fathers,” noting how Radbertus followed Ambrose and Jerome closely in both content and use of biblical imagery ( Philip Schaff: History of the Christian Church, Volume IV: Mediaeval Christianity. A.D. 590-1073 - Christian Classics Ethereal Library ). Schaff emphasizes that the whole incarnation, for Radbertus, is supernatural – “as the conception, so the birth” – highlighting Radbertus’s insistence on a miraculous birth to match the miraculous conception ( Philip Schaff: History of the Christian Church, Volume IV: Mediaeval Christianity. A.D. 590-1073 - Christian Classics Ethereal Library ) ( Philip Schaff: History of the Christian Church, Volume IV: Mediaeval Christianity. A.D. 590-1073 - Christian Classics Ethereal Library ). This insistence had set a precedent in the West for a consistent supernaturalism in Christology: nothing about Christ’s entrance into or exit from this world (birth and resurrection) was “mere nature” according to Radbertus, and subsequent tradition largely concurred.

Scholars have also examined De Partu Virginis in the context of the intellectual currents of the 9th century. It is often studied alongside Radbertus’s other works and those of his contemporaries (like Ratramnus) to understand early medieval debates. The Paschasius–Ratramnus exchange on the Virgin Birth has been recognized as an early instance of medieval theological dialectic. Modern commentators note that Ratramnus feared an overly miraculous account could veer into docetism (denial of Christ’s true humanity), whereas Radbertus feared that a too-natural account undermined Mary’s honor and Christ’s divinity (Sam Storms: Oklahoma City, Oklahoma > The Virgin Mary) (Sam Storms: Oklahoma City, Oklahoma > The Virgin Mary). Some have seen in this a proto-scholastic disputation: two monks approaching a mystery from different angles – one emphasizing Christ’s realism, the other Mary’s privilege – without the issue being formally resolved by a council at that time (Sam Storms: Oklahoma City, Oklahoma > The Virgin Mary). Indeed, historians like John C. Bennett observe that the controversy “ended abruptly with no final resolution” (Sam Storms: Oklahoma City, Oklahoma > The Virgin Mary) in the Carolingian era, but the fact that Radbertus’s view aligned with long-standing tradition meant it effectively carried the day in the Church’s mind.

In the view of many scholars, De Partu Virginis is significant for how it synthesizes a wide array of sources. E. Ann Matter, who produced a critical edition of the text, highlights Radbertus’s role as an editor of tradition: he compiles biblical, patristic, and even apocryphal threads into a coherent statement on Marian doctrine (Marie de Nazareth: St Paschasius Radbertus (c. 790-865)). Matter and others find it notable that Radbertus addressed the treatise to women – indicating an awareness of the growing Marian piety in women’s monastic communities and perhaps a desire to equip them with theological understanding of the mysteries they cherished. A recent study on Paschasius and Carolingian nuns suggests that Radbertus wrote works like De Partu Virginis in part to support and inspire female religious in their vocation of virginity, by holding up the Virgin Mary as their exemplar (De partu Virginis (Paschasius Radbertus) - Wikisource) (De partu Virginis (Paschasius Radbertus) - Wikisource). This reflects a socio-theological dynamic: Carolingian monasteries (both of men and women) were centers of Marian devotion, and treatises like this provided an intellectual foundation for that devotion.

Scholars also note the integrative theology on display in De Partu Virginis. Radbertus connects Marian doctrines with Christological and even ecclesiological themes in a way that prefigures later medieval synthesis. His brief analogy of Mary’s womb and the Church, for example, did not develop fully in this treatise but such thinking would later flourish (with Mary often seen as figure of the Church). This integrative aspect has drawn the interest of historians of doctrine, who see Radbertus as a transitional figure: he stands after the patristic era, looking back to it, but he also anticipates the Scholastics in method, and foreshadows the high medieval flowering of Marian doctrine (e.g., debates on Mary’s sinlessness and Assumption).

In terms of modern theological appraisal, Catholic scholars have generally praised Radbertus’s deep Marian piety and orthodoxy, while Protestant scholars (like those of the 19th century) tended to view the emphasis on Mary’s miraculous birth as an expected development of early and medieval piety. There is a recognition that Radbertus’s work contributed to the long process by which teachings like Mary’s perpetual virginity and sinlessness became solidified. For instance, a 19th-century theologian, M.J. Scheeben, in his Mariology, references Radbertus when discussing the Virgin Birth, calling one section of De Partu Virginis “remarkable but difficult,” indicating that Radbertus delved into subtle questions (perhaps the mode of Christ’s emergence) that later theologians would continue to ponder ([PDF] Rev.M.J.Scheeben-Mariology-v.2_OCR.pdf). Scheeben sees Radbertus as one of the medieval authorities who transmitted the patristic understanding to the scholastics (like Peter Damian, whom Scheeben mentions alongside Radbertus) ([PDF] Rev.M.J.Scheeben-Mariology-v.2_OCR.pdf).

Finally, contemporary interest in De Partu Virginis has been rekindled as part of a broader scholarly exploration of Carolingian exegesis and spirituality. The treatise is studied not only as a doctrinal piece but also for what it reveals about Carolingian devotion to Mary and the use of scripture. It is an example of how medieval theologians could combine rational argument, scriptural interpretation, and doxological purpose in one work. Radbertus’s ending, which essentially turns to praise the “ineffable miracle” of Christ’s birth and marvel at God’s power, shows that for him theology was ultimately ordered to worship. Scholars such as D. Appleby and E. Matter have noted this doxological dimension, suggesting that De Partu Virginis might have even been read within the monastic community not just as a treatise but as spiritual reading that edifies faith in the Incarnation.

In conclusion, De Partu Virginis is valued by scholars as a comprehensive Carolingian reflection on the Virgin Birth, bridging the Patristic and medieval worlds. It confirms Paschasius Radbertus’s reputation as “one of the greatest theologians of the 9th century” in matters Eucharistic and Marian ( Saint Paschasius Radbertus - Daily Compass ). By defending Mary’s perpetual virginity with intellectual rigor and spiritual fervor, Radbertus significantly shaped the Mariological doctrine that would be passed on to later ages. Modern interpretations thus view the treatise as both a product of its time – addressing 9th-century debates and monastic audiences – and as a timeless witness to the church’s meditation on the mystery of “God made man, born of a Virgin”. The work stands as a testament to how theological reasoning and devotional love for Mary went hand in hand in the Middle Ages, leaving a legacy that continued to echo in scholastic theology, in liturgy, and in art for centuries to follow.

Sources: Paschasius Radbertus, De partu Virginis, in Patrologia Latina 120, col. 1365–1386 (CATHOLIC ENCYCLOPEDIA: Saint Paschasius Radbertus) ( Philip Schaff: History of the Christian Church, Volume IV: Mediaeval Christianity. A.D. 590-1073 - Christian Classics Ethereal Library ); E. Ann Matter (ed.), Paschasii Radberti De partu Virginis (CCCM 56C, 1985); Philip Schaff, History of the Christian Church, vol. IV ( Philip Schaff: History of the Christian Church, Volume IV: Mediaeval Christianity. A.D. 590-1073 - Christian Classics Ethereal Library ) ( Philip Schaff: History of the Christian Church, Volume IV: Mediaeval Christianity. A.D. 590-1073 - Christian Classics Ethereal Library ); Catholic Encyclopedia (1911), “St. Paschasius Radbertus” (CATHOLIC ENCYCLOPEDIA: Saint Paschasius Radbertus); Marie de Nazareth online Marian Encyclopedia (Marie de Nazareth: St Paschasius Radbertus (c. 790-865)) (Marie de Nazareth: St Paschasius Radbertus (c. 790-865)); Sam Storms, “The Virgin Mary” (theological article) (Sam Storms: Oklahoma City, Oklahoma > The Virgin Mary) (Sam Storms: Oklahoma City, Oklahoma > The Virgin Mary); and various patristic references as cited above.