The Constitutio of Roricon, Bishop of Laon (961), documents his revival of the Abbey of St. Vincent after Viking devastation by importing twelve monks from Fleury. This charter reveals 10th-century monastic reform efforts, ecclesiastical governance structures, and the theological belief that monastery restoration served as spiritual penance. Confirmed at the 972 Tardenois synod under Archbishop Adalbero of Reims, it exemplifies how Frankish bishops leveraged monastic networks to revitalize religious institutions following the tumultuous post-Carolingian period.

Historical Context and Authorship

Roricon of Laon (fl. 10th century) – also known as Rorico – was a Frankish bishop and member of the Carolingian royal family. He was an illegitimate son of King Charles III “the Simple” and half-brother to King Louis IV of France (Abbey of St Vincent, Laon - Wikipedia). Roricon became Bishop of Laon in 949 and served until his death in 976 (Charles the Simple - Wikipedia) (Bishop Roricone - Catholic-Hierarchy). His tenure came after the turbulent 9th-century Viking invasions that devastated many monasteries in northern France. One such victim was the Abbey of St. Vincent in Laon, an ancient monastic foundation (traditionally dating to the 6th century) which had been sacked by Vikings in 882 and left in decline (Abbey of St Vincent, Laon - Wikipedia) (Abbey of St Vincent, Laon - Wikipedia). By Roricon’s time, this abbey – situated on a hillside just outside the city – had lost its monastic community and was staffed by a small college of canons instituted by his predecessor, Bishop Adelelmus (Constitutio (Rorico Laudunensis) - Wikisource). The “Constitutio” of Roricon was written against this backdrop in A.D. 961, as the bishop sought to restore St. Vincent’s to its former monastic glory (Constitutio (Rorico Laudunensis) - Wikisource).

Historically, the mid-10th century was a period of monastic reform and revival in Western Europe. The great Benedictine abbeys (such as Cluny and Fleury) were renewing spiritual discipline and rebuilding after decades of turmoil. Roricon’s high status and royal connections likely aided his reform efforts – he could rally nobles and clergy to support church restoration. Indeed, Laon’s Cathedral and St. Vincent’s abbey were important spiritual centers for both ecclesiastics and the local nobility (many of whom were traditionally buried at St. Vincent’s) (Constitutio (Rorico Laudunensis) - Wikisource) (Constitutio (Rorico Laudunensis) - Wikisource). Roricon’s initiative in the Constitutio thus reflects not only personal piety but also a broader Carolingian tradition of bishops acting as patrons of monastic renewal.

Ruins of the Abbey of St. Vincent in Laon. Founded in the 6th century and devastated by Vikings in the 9th, St. Vincent’s was revived as a Benedictine monastery by Bishop Roricon in 961 (Constitutio (Rorico Laudunensis) - Wikisource) (Constitutio (Rorico Laudunensis) - Wikisource). The site later fell into disuse; this 18th-century facade is a remnant of the abbey’s later buildings.

The Text of Roriconis Constitutio: Summary and Structure

Roricon’s Constitutio is a Latin document in the style of a foundation charter or episcopal decree. It opens with a humble preface in which Roricon (styled “although unworthy, having obtained the episcopal office of holy Laon”) reflects on his mortality and the burden of his sins (Constitutio (Rorico Laudunensis) - Wikisource). This introspective introduction sets a penitential and devout tone: Roricon explains that, contemplating the inevitability of death (“considerans ultimae evocationis sortem”), he resolved to do something that would benefit his church and aid in atoning for his sins (Constitutio (Rorico Laudunensis) - Wikisource). The Constitutio then recounts the situation of the Abbey of St. Vincent:

1. In ancient times, St. Vincent’s was “insignem fuisse monasticae conversationis” – famed for monastic life – but in recent generations it had fallen into destitution (Constitutio (Rorico Laudunensis) - Wikisource).
2. Roricon’s immediate predecessor, Bishop Adelelmus, had tried to revive the site by installing twelve canons living under a religious rule (“conventum… ordine vivendi religiosum”) (Constitutio (Rorico Laudunensis) - Wikisource). However, after Adelelmus’s death, various calamities caused the community to lapse again into near ruin (Constitutio (Rorico Laudunensis) - Wikisource).
3. Distressed by this decline – especially since St. Vincent’s church was a revered burial site for bishops and local nobles – Roricon convened a general assembly (a conventus of clergy and advisors) (Constitutio (Rorico Laudunensis) - Wikisource). With their counsel, he decided to restore St. Vincent’s to full monastic status, “reformare in antiquum… monasticae conversationis statum” (Constitutio (Rorico Laudunensis) - Wikisource). This demonstrates that Roricon acted in concert with diocesan clergy and lay notables, highlighting a theme of collaborative ecclesiastical governance.

The charter’s narrative then turns to Roricon’s actions to implement the reform. In a decisive move, he “called twelve monks from the monastery of Saint Benedict on the Loire” (monasterio sancti Benedicti supra Ligerim) (Constitutio (Rorico Laudunensis) - Wikisource). This refers to Fleury Abbey (Saint-Benoît-sur-Loire), a renowned Benedictine monastery. Roricon deliberately chose the number twelve monks, echoing an ancient monastic ideal: Saint Benedict of Nursia himself, according to tradition, founded twelve communities with twelve monks each (Saint Benedict). By selecting twelve monks, Roricon was likely invoking this apostolic and Benedictine symbolism of a complete monastic family (twelve being the number of the apostles and a typical quorum for a new abbey). He appointed one of these monks – “venerable Melchanus” – as the abbot of the revived community (Constitutio (Rorico Laudunensis) - Wikisource).

Roricon’s Constitutio proceeds to enumerate the privileges and resources he granted to the re-established Abbey of St. Vincent:

• He confirmed the abbey’s traditional rank as a “second see” (secundae sedis episcopatus dignitatem) in the diocese, a distinction originally granted by earlier bishops of Laon (Constitutio (Rorico Laudunensis) - Wikisource). This likely meant the abbey’s abbot held a place of honor second only to the bishop and cathedral chapter.
• The bishop granted burial rights at St. Vincent’s for a broad range of persons: bishops of Laon, the canons, lay noble benefactors (casati), cathedral chaplains, and their families (Constitutio (Rorico Laudunensis) - Wikisource). By securing these burial privileges, Roricon reinforced the abbey’s spiritual importance – burial in a monastery meant the constant prayers of monks for the deceased.
• He also granted the abbey certain properties or jurisdiction (“procinctum et districtum vallis et montis” – the surrounding valley and hill territory) (Constitutio (Rorico Laudunensis) - Wikisource), ensuring the monks had the land and income needed for self-sufficiency.

These provisions show Roricon’s practical care for the monastery’s temporal and spiritual well-being. After listing the grants, the document notes that Roricon had the charter confirmed with his own seal and the testimony of his clergy and local nobility (Constitutio (Rorico Laudunensis) - Wikisource), underscoring its legal solemnity.

Finally, the Constitutio concludes with a dating clause and subscription. It is “Acted at Laon in the year of the Incarnation 961… in the 7th year of King Lothair” (Constitutio (Rorico Laudunensis) - Wikisource), indicating 1 October 961 as the date of issue. Roricon’s signum (signature/cross) is inscribed: “Signum Roriconis indigni Laudunensis praesulis” (“Sign of Roricon, unworthy prelate of Laon”) (Constitutio (Rorico Laudunensis) - Wikisource) – again reflecting his characteristic humility. Importantly, the text also records that Roricon decided to submit this act to a higher ecclesiastical gathering: “We have decreed to send it to the venerable synod held at Montem Sanctae Mariae in the pagus of Tardenois in May”, where Archbishop Adalbero of Reims and his fellow bishops read and ratified the charter by common assent (Constitutio (Rorico Laudunensis) - Wikisource). This note refers to a provincial council that indeed took place in May 972 at Mont-Notre-Dame in Tardenois, convened by Adalbero of Reims to address monastic discipline in the province (Une charte fausse d’Adalbéron, archevêque de Reims. - Persée). The synodal confirmation in 972 (over a decade after Roricon’s initial 961 act) suggests that Roricon’s reform endured and was formally approved by the Church hierarchy as part of a broader regional reform program.

In summary, the structure of Roriconis Constitutio is clear and logical: an introduction of purpose, a historical rationale, the enactment of reform (bringing monks and appointing an abbot), a list of endowments/privileges, and the attestation with date and confirmation. This orderly arrangement reflects the document’s function as both a legal charter and a spiritual testament of the bishop.

Theological and Ecclesiastical Significance

The Constitutio carries rich theological meaning, especially in its rationale for monastic restoration. Roricon explicitly frames the revival of St. Vincent’s as a work of penance and pastoral duty. He observes that doing “something beneficial for this see” will be “very necessary for the healing of my sins”* (Constitutio (Rorico Laudunensis) - Wikisource). This reveals a medieval theological insight: founding or reforming a monastery was seen as a meritorious act that could help secure the salvation of the founder. By re-establishing monastic prayer and discipline, Roricon hoped to appease God for his own failings and provide spiritual benefits to the diocese. Monks, in the Catholic understanding, formed a spiritual militia whose ceaseless prayers, Masses, and asceticism won grace for the whole community. Installing Benedictine monks at Laon thus had an **expiatory and intercessory purpose – the bishop was ensuring that praise of God and prayers for souls (especially those buried there) would once again rise from St. Vincent’s altar daily (Constitutio (Rorico Laudunensis) - Wikisource).

Ecclesiastically, Roricon’s action underscores the role of a medieval bishop as a guardian of monastic life and reform. In the 10th century, many bishops were working to reform lax religious institutions. Roricon’s approach – replacing or supplementing secular canons with monks – was one method to reinvigorate spiritual life. (Interestingly, in other cases of the era, some churchmen did the opposite, converting decayed monasteries into chapters of canons. At the 972 Council of Tardenois, Archbishop Adalbero himself proposed turning the abbey of Mouzon into a community of canons ([PDF] Histoire des conciles d’après les documents originaux). Roricon’s policy, however, was to double-down on monasticism rather than abandon it.) By bringing monks from the illustrious Fleury Abbey, he also imported observant Benedictine practices into Laon. Fleury’s monks were known for adhering to a “more moderate Benedictine rule” (as opposed to harsher early medieval rules) (Abbey of St Vincent, Laon - Wikipedia), likely meaning a balanced interpretation of St. Benedict’s Rule that was gaining favor. Thus, Roricon tied Laon into the wider network of reformed monasteries. This had ecclesiastical significance beyond Laon: it exemplified how diocesan bishops and great abbeys cooperated to spread monastic renewal.

The privileges Roricon granted demonstrate theological concerns as well. By confirming burial rights at St. Vincent’s, he was effectively encouraging the faithful to seek burial among the monks – a practice rooted in the belief in the efficacy of monastic intercession for the dead. Granting this right acknowledged St. Vincent’s as a sacred place of prayer for the repose of souls, reinforcing the Christian doctrine of the Communion of Saints (the living and dead aiding each other through prayer). Moreover, Roricon’s insistence that the charter be sealed and witnessed by clergy and nobles shows his awareness of the need for institutional stability: a pious initiative needed legal protection to survive political changes.

Finally, the confirmation of the Constitutio by the synod and the subscription of the Archbishop of Reims (Adalbero) (Constitutio (Rorico Laudunensis) - Wikisource) highlight the theological principle of ecclesial unity. Roricon did not act in isolation; he submitted his plan to the collective discernment of the Church. The common assent of the bishops gave the endeavor the Church’s blessing, situating Roricon’s local reform within the broader mission of reforming the Frankish Church. Indeed, that 972 council was explicitly convened “to put an end to the relaxation of monastic discipline” in the province (Une charte fausse d’Adalbéron, archevêque de Reims. - Persée). Roricon’s Constitutio was thus an integral part of a holy reform movement – an example of the 10th-century effort to restore ecclesiastical life to the ideals of the Rule of St. Benedict and the Carolingian church reforms of the past.

Place in the Broader Monastic Tradition

The Constitutio of Roricon belongs to a long tradition of monastic foundation charters and constitutions in Christian history. In content and spirit, it mirrors earlier and contemporary documents that aimed to (re)establish monastic life according to revered models. A comparison may be drawn with the original Benedictine Rule and its subsequent interpretations: St. Benedict of Nursia’s Rule (6th century) set the normative framework for Western monasticism, emphasizing stability, prayer, and work (Saint Benedict) (Saint Benedict). While Roricon’s Constitutio is not a monastic rule in itself, it seeks to re-impose Benedict’s Rule at St. Vincent’s by bringing monks from a flourishing Benedictine house. In doing so, Roricon acts analogously to earlier founders – he is effectively refounding St. Vincent’s as a Benedictine abbey, much as kings and nobles had founded monasteries in the Carolingian era. His charter can be compared to Cluniac charters (like Duke William of Aquitaine’s foundation of Cluny in 910) or royal capitularies on monastic life (like the synods under Louis the Pious in 816–819). All these texts share a commitment to reviving the vita religiosa according to time-honored standards.

One notable aspect is Roricon’s choice to import monks from Fleury. This reflects the “peregrinatio” tradition where reforming monks would travel to revitalize other communities. It also underscores how certain monasteries (Fleury, Cluny, Gorze, etc.) became centers of dissemination for best practices. By the 10th century, Fleury Abbey (which housed the relics of St. Benedict himself) was a respected model of Benedictine observance. Roricon’s alliance with Fleury placed St. Vincent’s in the lineage of monastic reform. In the broader tradition, this is reminiscent of how bishops like St. Odo of Cluny or St. Gerard of Brogne were invited across regions to reform monasteries. Roricon may not have been a monk himself, but he leveraged monastic networks for reform – a common strategy in the era.

It is also significant that Roricon brought “twelve” monks. This number wasn’t incidental; as mentioned, it harkens back to St. Benedict’s own practice (Saint Benedict) and even to Christ’s Twelve Apostles. Medieval writers saw groups of twelve monks as symbolically complete – a new founding abbot surrounded by twelve disciples mirrored Christ with the Twelve or St. Benedict with his initial communities. Thus, Roricon’s Constitutio is consciously aligning with the idealized image of a monastic foundation: an abbot and twelve, living the Rule in purity. This shows the continuity of monastic ideals from the 6th century through the 10th.

We can also situate the Constitutio in the context of medieval synodal legislation. Its confirmation at the 972 council in Tardenois means it effectively became part of the official reform decrees of that synod. At similar reforming councils, decrees (often called capitula or constitutiones) were issued to regulate monastic and clerical life. In fact, in Migne’s Patrologia Latina collection, Roricon’s Constitutio is published alongside other 10th-century ecclesiastical documents – for example, the Constitutions of Odo of Canterbury (a set of reform statutes) and letters of other bishops (Patrologia Latina/133 - Wikisource) (Patrologia Latina/133 - Wikisource). Roricon’s act stands as part of this patchwork of reform texts that together aimed to uphold church discipline.

The Abbey of Fleury (Saint-Benoît-sur-Loire), from which Roricon obtained twelve monks. Founded in the 7th century and adopting the Rule of St. Benedict, Fleury became a leading center of monastic reform. Roricon’s partnership with Fleury exemplifies the 10th-century network of reformed monasteries supporting each other (Abbey of St Vincent, Laon - Wikipedia).

Architecturally and culturally, restoring St. Vincent’s meant reviving the full monastic life: choir offices, cloister, chapter, dormitory, refectory, etc. While Roricon’s text does not detail the physical rebuilding, such a restoration likely followed the archetype of Carolingian monastic layouts. (Notably, a century earlier, the famous Plan of Saint Gall – a 9th-century ideal plan for a monastery – had illustrated the components considered essential for a thriving Benedictine abbey.) The Constitutio ensured St. Vincent’s once again had an abbot and cloistered monks, reintegrating it into the broader monastic tradition in terms of daily liturgy and communal life. In the centuries to follow, many other bishops and nobles would similarly import monks to reform old foundations, echoing Roricon’s template.

Manuscript Transmission and Reception History

The text of Roriconis Constitutio survives thanks to medieval and early modern transmission. The original charter of 961 (and its synodal confirmation in 972) would have been preserved in the archives of the Abbey of St. Vincent or the diocese of Laon. It was likely copied into the abbey’s cartulary or a collection of documents at Laon. We know that even after destructive events (like a fire in 1359 that ruined Laon’s library), numerous manuscripts from St. Vincent’s survived into later centuries (Abbey of St Vincent, Laon - Wikipedia). By the 17th and 18th centuries, antiquarians had access to such documents. The text of the Constitutio was printed in the 17th-century scholarly compilations – for example, the Benedictine historians Denis de Sainte-Marthe (Latinized Dionysius Sammarthanus) and others mention Constitutio Roriconis in their works (Patrologia Latina Database: Bibliography). Eventually, J.-P. Migne included it in Volume 133 of his Patrologia Latina in the 19th century, sourcing it from those earlier editions (Constitutio (Rorico Laudunensis) - Wikisource) (Patrologia Latina Database: Bibliography). The version in PL 133 (columns 951–954) has become the standard reference, and it is this text that is available on databases and cited by modern scholars.

In terms of medieval reception, Roricon’s reform appears to have been successful and respected. The Abbey of St. Vincent continued as a Benedictine house for centuries, suggesting the Constitutio achieved its goal. In 987, a generation after Roricon, King Hugh Capet (founder of the Capetian dynasty) confirmed the privileges of St. Vincent’s that Roricon and previous bishops had granted (Abbey of St Vincent, Laon - Wikipedia). This royal confirmation (Abbey of St Vincent, Laon - Wikipedia) indicates that the monastery had gained significant royal patronage and that Roricon’s act was regarded as legitimate and important enough to be upheld by the new regime. Such confirmation also implies that St. Vincent’s was flourishing – one can imagine that by the late 10th century, the community planted by Roricon had grown in number and influence, warranting the king’s attention.

Chroniclers of the time (like Flodoard of Reims, who wrote in the mid-10th century) and later historians took note of Laon’s ecclesiastical developments. While Flodoard’s extant works don’t explicitly quote the Constitutio, he does record events like the coronation of Louis IV at St. Vincent’s in 936 and other Laon affairs (Abbey of St Vincent, Laon - Wikipedia), which set context for why Roricon’s reform mattered. By the 11th and 12th centuries, St. Vincent’s Abbey would have been an established part of the monastic landscape of northern France, contributing scholars and perhaps even texts – it is known that at least 50 manuscripts from its once-rich library survived to modern times (Abbey of St Vincent, Laon - Wikipedia).

In later medieval Christian thought, the narrative of church reform in the 10th century often highlighted great monastic leaders and bishops. Roricon himself did not become a famous saint or reformer in the mode of, say, St. Mayeul of Cluny or St. Adalbero of Reims. However, his Constitutio stands as a concrete example of the reformist zeitgeist of the era sometimes dubbed the “Pre-Gregorian Reform.” The fact that modern historians like Ferdinand Lot scrutinized Roricon’s charter in studying authentic vs. forged documents (Une charte fausse d’Adalbéron, archevêque de Reims. - Persée) shows that it has long been recognized as a genuine and valuable record. Lot compared the subscriptions of Roricon’s 961/972 charter to those of other documents, affirming its authenticity and using it as a yardstick to detect later forgeries (Une charte fausse d’Adalbéron, archevêque de Reims. - Persée). Thus, the Constitutio has served not only as a historical source on monastic revival but also in scholarly analysis of document authenticity.

In summary, the influence of Roricon’s Constitutio can be seen directly in the restored monastic life at Laon (which lasted until the abbey’s dissolution in the French Revolution) and indirectly in how it exemplified the partnership of bishops, kings, and monastic leaders in reforming the Church. It may not have been widely copied or cited in doctrinal writings, but its spirit lived on wherever a decaying monastery was brought back to life by determined reformers.

Language and Literary Style

The Latin of Roriconis Constitutio is characteristic of 10th-century ecclesiastical documents, bearing a formal, legalistic tone interwoven with pietistic flourish. The style is heavily formulaic, drawing on the chancery Latin developed in Late Antiquity and the Carolingian period for charters. For example, the opening clause “Auxiliante supernae propitiationis clementia” (“by the helping mercy of the heavenly propitiation”) (Constitutio (Rorico Laudunensis) - Wikisource) is a flowery invocation of divine aid, very typical for medieval charters which often began by invoking God’s name or mercy. Roricon refers to himself as “etsi indignus… praesulatum adeptus” (“although unworthy [as I am], I have attained the episcopal office”) (Constitutio (Rorico Laudunensis) - Wikisource) – this self-deprecating phrase (indignus episcopus) is a common trope in bishops’ writings, signaling humility. Such language shows the 融合 of secular administrative style with spiritual rhetoric: the document at once performs a legal function and a moral one.

The syntax tends toward long periodic sentences with multiple subordinate clauses, as seen when Roricon describes his reasoning: considerans… imminere, peccatorum quoque meorum… gravamine, coepi… tractare quiddam etc. (Constitutio (Rorico Laudunensis) - Wikisource). This multi-clause sentence piles up motivations and relative clauses before reaching the main verb, a structure reflecting classical Latin periods albeit in a more rambling medieval fashion. While the grammar is generally sound, one notices the influence of spoken Latin in some phrasing and the presence of medieval Latin vocabulary (for instance, “casatorum, custodum” for certain classes of laypeople (Constitutio (Rorico Laudunensis) - Wikisource), or “quantulumcunque numerum” meaning “however small a number” (Constitutio (Rorico Laudunensis) - Wikisource)). These words would not appear in Cicero, but they were perfectly intelligible in the 10th-century context.

Another feature is the use of ecclesiastical and legal terms: conventus (assembly), monastica conversatio (monastic way of life), approbans, confirmavi (approving, I confirmed), subscripsi et corroboravi (I have signed and strengthened [it]) (Constitutio (Rorico Laudunensis) - Wikisource). The text reads as a formal act, so it avoids narrative embellishment or emotional exclamation. Instead, it maintains a solemn and declarative register. Even when recounting the deplorable state of the abbey, Roricon uses measured language like “destitutionis penuriae” (a lack due to abandonment) (Constitutio (Rorico Laudunensis) - Wikisource). The drama is underplayed; the focus is on the remedy.

Yet, within this restrained tone, the document conveys genuine devotional sentiment. Words like clementia, peccatorum gravamine, pernecessarium (mercy, burden of sins, most necessary) betray Roricon’s earnest religious intent (Constitutio (Rorico Laudunensis) - Wikisource). The interplay of salvation language with administrative action is a hallmark of such texts – they are as much about saving souls as about transferring lands. In a literary sense, the Constitutio lacks the stylistic embellishments of monastic hagiography or sermons of the era; there are no metaphors or allegories. Its beauty lies in its clarity and sincerity.

From a linguistic standpoint, one can see the transition from classical Latin to medieval Latin in Roricon’s Constitutio. For instance, the charter is still written in grammatically correct Latin with a classical veneer, but certain constructions and the overall rhythm point to medieval usage. The preservation of this text in later manuscripts shows that scribes found its Latin comprehensible and worth copying, which is further testament to its clean style and authoritative tone.

In conclusion, Roriconis Constitutio stands as a valuable document where language, law, and faith intersect. Historically, it illuminates the revival of a monastic community under a reform-minded bishop. Theologically, it exemplifies the medieval conviction in the redemptive power of monasticism. Structurally, it provides a concise record of how such reforms were executed and secured. And stylistically, its Latin offers a window into 10th-century ecclesiastical prose – formal yet fervent, rooted in tradition yet directed toward renewal. The work occupies a respected place in the tradition of monastic constitutions, linking the age of St. Benedict to the coming reforms of the High Middle Ages through the devoted efforts of a 10th-century bishop and his community.

Sources:

• Rorico of Laon, Constitutio, in Patrologia Latina, vol. 133, cols. 951–954 (Constitutio (Rorico Laudunensis) - Wikisource) (Constitutio (Rorico Laudunensis) - Wikisource).
• Ferdinand Lot, “Une charte fausse d’Adalbéron, archevêque de Reims” in Bibliothèque de l’École des chartes 52 (1891), p. 31-45 (Une charte fausse d’Adalbéron, archevêque de Reims. - Persée) (Une charte fausse d’Adalbéron, archevêque de Reims. - Persée).
• “Abbey of St. Vincent, Laon” – English Wikipedia (history section) (Abbey of St Vincent, Laon - Wikipedia) (Abbey of St Vincent, Laon - Wikipedia).
• Medieval-Spell, “Saint Benedict” (overview of St. Benedict’s life and monastic foundations) (Saint Benedict) (Saint Benedict).
• Wikisource Latin text of Constitutio (Rorico Laudunensis) (Constitutio (Rorico Laudunensis) - Wikisource) (Constitutio (Rorico Laudunensis) - Wikisource).