Homiletical works that demonstrate the intersection of Lérins monastic spirituality and pastoral preaching in late antique Gaul.

Historical and Ecclesiastical Context (5th-Century Gaul)

Faustus of Riez (c. 400–490) was a monk-abbot turned bishop in southern Gaul during the tumultuous late 5th century catholic.com catholic.com. Born in Britain or Brittany, he entered the Lérins monastery (off the coast of Provence) around 429 under the influence of St. Honoratus and John Cassian’s monastic teachings johnsanidopoulos.com johnsanidopoulos.com. Renowned for his humility and ascetic zeal, Faustus succeeded St. Maximus as Abbot of Lérins in 433 and guided the community for over two decades johnsanidopoulos.com johnsanidopoulos.com. In about 459 he was elected Bishop of Riez in Provence, yet he continued to live like a monk – maintaining strict fasting and prayer, and even periodically retreating to Lérins to renew his spiritual fervor catholic.com johnsanidopoulos.com. This era saw the Western Roman Empire’s collapse and the rise of barbarian kingdoms; in Gaul the Arian Visigoths ruled. Faustus emerged as a leading Catholic voice, vigorously opposing Arianism (which denied Christ’s full divinity) and Macedonianism (denial of the Holy Spirit’s divinity) among the Gothic elites catholic.com . His preaching and theological engagement earned him such repute that contemporaries like Sidonius Apollinaris praised him as “the most effective preacher of his day” johnsanidopoulos.com .

During his 30-year episcopate, Faustus also became a central figure in Gaul’s theological disputes johnsanidopoulos.com . He championed the semi-Pelagian position in the growing debate on grace and free will, much in line with the monastic theology of Lérins. At the Synods of Arles and Lyons (473–475) he helped condemn the extreme predestinarian teachings of the priest Lucidus, articulating a more moderate doctrine of grace catholic.com catholic.com. In 477, however, Bishop Faustus was exiled by the Visigothic King Euric – ostensibly for his outspoken anti-Arian stance (and possibly his philosophical view that the human soul has a “corporeal” aspect) catholic.com catholic.com. He spent eight years in exile until Euric’s death, after which he returned to Riez in 485 and resumed pastoral work until his own death around 490 catholic.com catholic.com. Faustus was venerated locally as a saint – a basilica was built in his honor and his feast day was kept on September 28 catholic.com . (Indeed, he is still honored in the Catholic Church of southern France and in Eastern Orthodoxy encyclopedia.com en.wikipedia.org.) However, his controversial teachings on grace prevented his cult from spreading universally in the Latin West.

Stained-glass window depictingSaint Fauste (Faustus), Bishop of Riez, in the cathedral of Riez (Notre-Dame de l’Assomption). He is shown in episcopal vestments with crozier and book, reflecting his role as bishop and preacher.

The Sermons of Faustus: Preservation and Corpus

Faustus of Riez was a prolific preacher , known for delivering powerful extempore homilies catholic.com . A number of his Sermones (sermons or homilies) have survived, though their transmission is complex. Modern scholars credit him with anywhere from about 30 to over 70 sermons. In the late 19th century A. Engelbrecht’s critical edition identified 31 authentic sermons by Faustus encyclopedia.com . Many additional anonymous Gallic sermons were traditionally attributed to a mysterious “Eusebius” (once thought to be Eusebius of Emesa). In 1935, Germain Morin argued that as many as 75 sermons in the so-called Eusebius Gallicanus collection actually belong to Faustus encyclopedia.com . These homilies had circulated under pseudonymous or unclear attributions in medieval sermon collections, which explains why Faustus’s exact corpus is still debated. For example, one 9th–10th century manuscript from Reichenau (Karlsruhe, MS 340) contains 22 sermons – nine explicitly ascribed to a “Faustinus” – possibly Faustus ccel.org . Another collection of 76 Gallican sermons , once misascribed to “Eusebius” , is now recognized as a composite including sermons of Faustus and other 5th-century Gaulish bishops academia.edu ccel.org. Because of this tangled manuscript tradition, distinguishing Faustus’s genuine homilies has required careful philological work. Engelbrecht’s edition Fausti Reiensis Opera (CSEL vol. 21, 1891) remains a foundation, but it explicitly excluded the “pseudo-Eusebian” sermons pending further research catholic.com . Today, many of Faustus’s homilies have been critically edited and translated, including the eight Sermones published in Patrologia Latina vol. 58 (which the present analysis is based on). These include discourses addressed to monks, expositions for liturgical feasts, and panegyrics on saints, giving us a cross-section of Faustus’s preaching output.

Major Theological Themes in the Sermons

Faustus’s homilies reveal the major theological preoccupations of a 5th-century monastic bishop: issues of grace and free will, Christology and Trinitarian doctrine, and the ascetic ideals of Christian life. Throughout, Faustus speaks as both a pastor and a monk, blending theological argument with moral exhortation.

Grace and Free Will (Semi-Pelagian Synergism)

The most distinctive theme is Faustus’s doctrine of grace and free will, which situates him as a champion of the Semi-Pelagian viewpoint. In the aftermath of St. Augustine’s strict teachings on predestination, Faustus sought a middle path that safeguarded human freedom and moral responsibility. He insisted that the initiative (the initium fidei) in turning to God begins with the human person, aided externally by God’s call, but not caused by an irresistible internal grace credomag.com credomag.com. In Faustus’s theology, every person is born with original sin and a weakened will, but not one utterly incapacitated – free will remains an “integral part” of human nature ccel.org ccel.org. Grace , in his understanding, primarily means the external gift of God’s revelation, teaching, and exhortation (for example, the preaching of the gospel, the warnings and promises of Scripture) which “draw” souls to salvation encyclopedia.com ccel.org. Thus, Faustus interpreted Jesus’ words “No one can come to me unless the Father draws him” (John 6:44) as referring to the Father’s attracting us through sermons and Scripture , rather than an internal predestining grace encyclopedia.com . The human will must freely respond to this divine call: “To God, the liberality of reward; and to the human, the devotion of search,” Faustus wrote, emphasizing that God rewards those who freely seek Him credomag.com credomag.com. In short, God offers salvation to all, foreknowing those who will accept , but never irresistibly imposing grace encyclopedia.com .

Faustus vehemently opposed the doctrine of absolute predestination of individuals to damnation or salvation. He condemned such predestinarian ideas as “erroneous, blasphemous, heathen, fatalistic, and conducive to immorality” catholic.com . In his view, believing that some are fated by God to be damned would undermine moral effort and God’s justice. He much preferred to stress God’s universal salvific will : “God wills only what is just and right, but permits freedom to terminate in evil” , he taught ccel.org . After the Synods of Arles and Lyons (475) urged him to rebut the extreme Augustinians, Faustus composed a two-book treatise De Gratia Dei et Libero Arbitrio (On the Grace of God and the Free Will of the Mind) to refute both Pelagius and the Predestinarians catholic.com . In that work – and echoed in his sermons – Faustus affirms that salvation involves a cooperative synergy : grace “cooperates” with free will to produce good in the Christian, but the initial step of faith is taken by man’s freedom responding to God ccel.org ccel.org. Faustus even downplayed the kind of interior, transformative grace stressed by Augustine. He saw grace mostly as “preaching with its promises and warnings,” and regarded our very natural free will as itself a grace-given faculty ccel.org ccel.org. Any passages in his writing that sound like Augustine’s “interior grace” he explains as meaning either the natural grace of free will or the providential arrangement of one’s life circumstances ccel.org . Not surprisingly, later theologians criticized Faustus for effectively sliding toward the Pelagian side despite his verbal rejection of Pelagius ccel.org . Indeed, Faustus held that predestination is based only on God’s foreknowledge of human choice, not on a divine decision that causes the choice encyclopedia.com . This whole synergistic framework – shared with John Cassian and other monks of Marseille – was eventually condemned as “Semipelagianism” at the Second Council of Orange (529) catholic.com . Faustus’s seminal influence on that debate is clear: Orange’s canons rejected both Pelagian denial of grace and any notion “that God predestines anyone to evil,” essentially vindicating Faustus’s concern on that latter point while affirming Augustine’s necessity of interior grace (a stance Faustus had not fully embraced). Nevertheless, Faustus’s pastoral emphasis on human effort and moral earnestness continued to echo in monastic spirituality. Even many centuries later, his writings on grace were read and edited – Erasmus of Rotterdam, for example, published Faustus’s De Gratia in the 16th century to inform Reformation-era discussions catholic.com tomstheology.blog.

Christology and Trinitarian Teaching

On matters of Christology and the Trinity , Faustus of Riez stood firmly in line with orthodox Catholic doctrine of his time. He was a vigorous opponent of Arianism , consistently preaching that Christ the Son is fully God equal to the Father crossroadsinitiative.com referenceworks.brill.com. In one letter he lamented that any denial of Christ’s true divine majesty imperiled salvation. As bishop in Visigothic Gaul, Faustus strove to keep his flock from being swayed by Arian clergy; this conflict in part led to his exile by the Arian king. Faustus also wrote two books De Spiritu Sancto against the Macedonian heresy, defending the divinity of the Holy Spirit encyclopedia.com . In his sermons we find Trinitarian doxologies and affirmations that Father, Son, and Spirit share one divine nature , reflecting the Nicene faith. According to the Schaff-Herzog analysis, “in Trinitarian and Christological questions Faustus adheres to the orthodox formulas” of the Western Church ccel.org . He accepted the teachings of the Councils (Nicaea 325, and we have no indication he opposed Chalcedon 451). In one Epiphany sermon, Faustus celebrates how Christ’s incarnation united divine and human nature: “Like a bridegroom coming from his marriage chamber our God descended to earth in his incarnation, in order to be united to his Church formed of the pagan nations” crossroadsinitiative.com crossroadsinitiative.com. He emphasizes Christ’s two natures in such analogies – e.g. noting that at Cana, the water changed into wine symbolizes the old covenant transformed into the new , Christ being the agent of a new creation crossroadsinitiative.com crossroadsinitiative.com. We also see Faustus’s sacramental theology in sermons: preaching on the Eucharist, he taught that after the priest’s invocation “the created things… have the substance of bread and wine [changed]… after Christ’s words they are His Body and Blood” , a clear affirmation of the Real Presence. In sum, Faustus’s homilies reinforced orthodox Christology (against Arian subordinationism) and sacramental realism , using analogies and Old Testament types to illuminate these mysteries. His successful articulation of these truths helped keep his flock grounded during an age of doctrinal confusion.

Monastic Discipline and Moral Exhortation

The ascetic and moral tone of Faustus’s preaching is unmistakable. As a former abbot, he often addressed monastics directly in his sermons. Two homilies preserved in PL 58 (Sermon “A Message to the Monks” and “Words for the Monks”) are explicitly aimed at the monastic community, urging them to persevere in discipline and charity. Faustus extols the virtues of humility, obedience, fasting, and charity – virtues he himself exemplified. Sidonius Apollinaris noted Faustus’s “stern asceticism” catholic.com , and that rigor comes through in his words. In one sermon he calls his listeners “Christ’s precious ears of wheat” and implores them to examine their consciences : “Take a look at yourselves, go back to your consciences… If you discover that you are good grain, let the thought occur to you: ‘Whoever perseveres to the end will be saved.’ Any of you who… find yourselves among the weeds, must not be afraid to change… don’t be today what you were yesterday, or at least don’t be tomorrow what you are today.” augustinian.org . This vivid metaphor drawn from the Gospel parable of wheat and tares shows Faustus’s rhetorical strategy: he mixes encouragement for the virtuous (“persevere to the end”) with urgent calls to repentance for the lax , insisting conversion is still possible “for now it isn’t the harvest yet” augustinian.org . Such passages illustrate Faustus’s pastoral severity balanced with hope – he does not mince words about moral failings, yet he motivates change by reminding that God’s judgment has not yet come.

Faustus also upheld monastic ideals of detachment and community discipline. He even defended the legal autonomy of monasteries from interference by local bishops – an incident in 453 saw Faustus appealing to a synod to preserve Lérins’ independence from the Bishop of Fréjus, which he won johnsanidopoulos.com johnsanidopoulos.com. In his funeral oration on Saint Maximus (his predecessor as abbot and bishop), Faustus credited the monastic life as “providential training” for pastoral ministry cambridge.org cambridge.org. He argued that the habits of prayer, poverty, and obedience learned at Lérins made Maximus (and by extension any monk-bishop) a more virtuous and effective leader cambridge.org . This reflects Faustus’s broader conviction that monastic asceticism was the backbone of the Church’s spiritual vigor. His sermons frequently exhort laypeople to adopt quasi-monastic practices as well – for instance, urging periods of fasting and almsgiving, and encouraging celibacy or continence even within marriage where possible (a typical 5th-century ascetic theme). During a famine in 474, Faustus himself set a dramatic example of charity and penance: organizing three days of public processions and distributing grain to the starving johnsanidopoulos.com johnsanidopoulos.com. In his preaching, he likely referenced such events to underscore Christian love of neighbor. Indeed, one near-contemporary writes that Faustus “made himself all things to all people” during crises, personally carrying the bodies of plague victims to burial johnsanidopoulos.com johnsanidopoulos.com. This compassionate action underlies his moral teaching: he could credibly demand sacrifice and virtue from his flock because he lived it himself.

Style and Rhetorical Strategies of Faustus’s Preaching

Faustus’s homiletic style is a blend of Scriptural erudition, allegorical interpretation, and impassioned direct address. Even in translation, his sermons exhibit the polished training of late Roman rhetoric combined with biblical imagery familiar to monastic circles. He often begins by citing or alluding to a biblical text, then proceeds to expound it with a mix of literal and allegorical meanings. For example, in an Epiphany sermon on the Wedding at Cana, Faustus first recounts the Gospel story, then peels back the “mysterious event” to find spiritual symbolism: the wedding feast signifies “the joyful marriage of man’s salvation” and the “third day” on which it occurred points to the Trinity and the Resurrection crossroadsinitiative.com crossroadsinitiative.com. He seamlessly connects this to other Scriptures – referencing the Parable of the Prodigal Son as an image of the conversion of the Gentiles (the “younger son” dressed in wedding garments) crossroadsinitiative.com . This technique of interweaving biblical passages is characteristic of Gallic preaching. Faustus expects his audience to catch these references, which creates a rich tapestry of meaning.

Another notable feature is Faustus’s penchant for vivid analogies and typology. In the Cana sermon, he interprets the transformation of water into wine as a type of the Old Covenant being transformed into the New Covenant of grace crossroadsinitiative.com . “The law withdraws and grace takes its place; the shadows fade and truth becomes present,” he proclaims, using a memorable contrast to drive home the superiority of Christ’s gospel crossroadsinitiative.com . Likewise, when teaching on the sacraments, Faustus employs concrete, even bold images: he says that in baptism we are “reborn unto life; after baptism we are strengthened for battle” , picturing the Christian as both newborn and soldier. He describes Confirmation as an armor: “confirmation arms us and instructs us on how to keep ourselves safe from the struggles of this world”. Such martial and domestic metaphors made theological concepts tangible to his listeners.

Rhetorically, Faustus often addresses the audience in the second person and uses apostrophe (direct exclamations) to stir their emotions. He repeatedly uses the device of repetition for emphasis. For instance, in one sermon he cries “ Listen, dearest grains of Christ; listen, Christ’s precious ears of wheat; listen, Christ’s dearest corn! ” piling up parallel phrases to arrest the listener’s attention augustinian.org . This triple “listen” not only exhibits classical triadic style but also pastoral urgency. He then clinches his point with a sharp imperative: “Don’t be today what you were yesterday, or at least don’t be tomorrow what you are today.” augustinian.org – a concise, proverb-like exhortation that would linger in the mind. Such pithy maxims stud his homilies, distilling moral teachings into memorable lines. We also find Faustus using rhetorical questions to provoke self-examination and antithesis to contrast virtue and vice. His tone can shift from stern warning to fatherly encouragement within the same sermon, a dynamic range that likely held the audience’s rapt attention.

In terms of language, Faustus’s Latin (as preserved in PL 58) is eloquent yet straightforward, closer to the biblical Latin and monastic sermo humilis than to the Ciceronian style. He does not hesitate to use alliteration and wordplay on occasion. His style was shaped by his monastic formation – imbued with Scripture (especially the Psalms and St. Paul) and the influence of earlier Gallic fathers like St. Hilary of Arles and St. Vincent of Lérins. Indeed, Faustus fits into the “Gallican sermon” tradition , noted for its warmth, use of allegory, and moral earnestness academia.edu . As a preacher he was praised for “wonderful gifts as an extempore speaker” , suggesting he could improvise fluently catholic.com . The written versions of his sermons, likely transcribed or reconstructed later, still convey that spontaneous fervor – they often read as if spoken directly to us, with energy and conviction.

Structure and Content of Faustus’s Homilies

The surviving sermons of Faustus cover a range of occasions and audiences , reflecting the typical episcopal preaching cycle of his era. Many appear to be tied to the liturgical calendar – we have homilies for major feasts such as Epiphany, Pentecost, and the feasts of martyrs. For example, Sermo 5 (De Epiphania) expounds the manifestations of Christ (Magi, Cana, etc.) and was used in the Roman Office of Readings for the Epiphany season crossroadsinitiative.com . Another sermon (numbered 17 in some collections) is On the Paschal Vigil , where Faustus discusses baptism and the Eucharist in the context of Easter night. He also preached on local saints: most notably, the “Homily on Saint Maximus” , delivered in Riez’s cathedral soon after Maximus’s death (c. 460), which serves as both eulogy and exhortation cambridge.org . In that homily, Faustus structures his content by first narrating the holy life of Maximus, then drawing lessons for the congregation – stressing how monastic virtues can sanctify a bishop’s ministry cambridge.org . This indicates that Faustus’s sermons often have a biographical or scriptural core followed by moral application.

A significant subset of his sermons is directed to monks or clergy. These “sermones ad monachos” (some of which are preserved in the Eusebius Gallicanus collection, serm. 36–45) have a tone of internal exhortation – addressing the community of ascetics on topics like fraternal charity, renunciation of worldly pride, and perseverance in prayer medieval.bodleian.ox.ac.uk medieval.bodleian.ox.ac.uk. They might have been delivered during chapter meetings or monastic gatherings rather than in public liturgy. Faustus demonstrates a deft use of Scriptural exegesis in these as well: for instance, he might expound the story of Jacob’s ladder to encourage contemplative prayer, or the figure of the soldier of Christ to urge obedience to the abbot. He was clearly familiar with the conferences of John Cassian , and some of his monastic sermons echo Cassian’s teachings (such as the synergy of human effort with grace in attaining purity of heart credomag.com credomag.com).

Structurally, Faustus’s sermons are not overly long – many in PL 58 would take perhaps 5–10 minutes to recite. They generally begin with a biblical citation or incipit that sets the theme. He then develops the theme in a few sections: typically moving from explanation (sometimes with brief theological teaching) to more direct exhortation. The endings of his homilies are often marked by a prayer or doxology , returning praise to God and thus reinforcing orthodoxy. One also notes that Faustus sometimes structures a sermon around contrasts – e.g. in a Pentecost sermon, he contrasts those who are reborn in baptism but fail to seek confirmation (likening them to infants who never grow) versus those who complete their Christian initiation and become strong in faith. This kind of binary structure made the message clear and memorable.

As a Gaulish bishop, Faustus likely preached in Latin to congregations that included both Roman and semi-Romanized provincial people. He was careful to clarify doctrinal points in accessible language: for instance, in describing the Eucharist, he elaborates that after the divine words, “they are His Body and Blood” , to ensure the listener grasps the miracle, and backs it up by quoting St. Paul (“the old order has passed away; now all is new”) crossroadsinitiative.com crossroadsinitiative.com. He thus employs a catechetical element within the sermon, teaching the faith while exhorting to belief.

Faustus’s use of biblical exegesis tends toward the allegorical/moral sense. This was typical of the Lérinian school , which valued the spiritual interpretation of Scripture. The excerpt on the Wedding at Cana is a prime example: he finds layers of meaning (Trinity in the “third day”, the Church as bride, baptism in the water, transformation symbolizing grace) beneath the literal story crossroadsinitiative.com crossroadsinitiative.com. Yet he does not neglect the literal/historical completely – he uses it as the foundation before ascending to allegory. In doing so, Faustus shows a firm grasp of earlier fathers like Origen and Augustine, even if he diverged from Augustine on grace. Notably, two homilies on the Apostles’ Creed have been attributed to Faustus (though disputed) ccel.org . If they are his, they illustrate a further content type: systematic exposition of doctrine (the Creed) in sermon form for instructing catechumens. This suggests Faustus took seriously the formation of his flock in sound doctrine, not just moral exhortation.

Manuscript Tradition and Textual Transmission

The journey of Faustus’s sermons from the 5th century to the present is an interesting saga of transmission. Unlike some Church Fathers whose works were preserved in dedicated author collections, Faustus’s homilies largely survived embedded in larger anonymous collections of Gallic sermons. During the early Middle Ages, a body of 5th–6th century Latin sermons circulated under the name “Eusebius” (long thought to be Eusebius of Caesarea or Emesa). Modern research revealed this Eusebius Gallicanus collection is actually a compilation of Gallic homilies by various bishops – Faustus of Riez prominent among them academia.edu ccel.org. Germain Morin’s study in 1935 was seminal in reattributing many of these to Faustus encyclopedia.com . For example, Sermon 73A (cited above with the “wheat and weeds” metaphor) is now credited to Faustus and fits his style and theology. Additionally, individual manuscripts like Codex Durlach 36 (Karlsruhe) from the 9th century contain a cluster of sermons, some explicitly naming “Faustinus” as author – likely scribes misrecording “Faustus” ccel.org . That codex and others (such as Paris MSS and Munich Clm 10177 from later centuries) provided the raw material for scholars to sift authentic Faustus pieces from those of contemporaries like St. Caesarius of Arles or Valerian of Cimiez (some manuscripts copy sermons of these bishops together, occasionally blurring attributions) ccel.org .

The Patrologia Latina volume 58 itself drew on these earlier editions and attributions. Migne’s PL 58 (published mid-19th century) gathered Faustus’s known works – including his treatises and a set of sermons then ascribed to him. As noted, Engelbrecht’s 1891 edition in the Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum (CSEL) superseded Migne in accuracy, and included Faustus’s letters and the sermons considered genuine up to that time catholic.com . Interestingly, Engelbrecht intentionally omitted the “pseudo-Eusebian” sermons from Faustus’s opera, because authorship was uncertain catholic.com . It was only later in the 20th century that many of these were confidently restored to Faustus’s oeuvre. What this means for readers today is that one may encounter Faustus’s homilies under different attributions in older manuscripts or prints. For instance, a sermon De symbolo (on the Creed) was once published under the name of “Eusebius” until Caspari and others argued it was Faustus’s work ccel.org . The critical consensus now is that Faustus likely wrote dozens of the extant Gallic homilies , making him, alongside Caesarius of Arles, one of the most significant preachers of 5th-century Gaul academia.edu .

Despite the past confusion, the textual quality of Faustus’s sermons is fairly good. They were popular enough to be copied throughout the Middle Ages, which ensured no major work was lost – but popularity also meant they were sometimes abbreviated or conflated with others. Modern critical editions collate the various manuscripts to produce a reliable text. Translations (such as those from PL 58 or recent English renditions) now allow us to appreciate Faustus’s voice in our own tongue. It is a fortunate convergence of scholarship that we can piece together these homilies after 1500 years and recognize the distinct “Faustian” voice running through them – a voice passionate for orthodoxy, zealous for holiness, and deeply pastoral.

Influence and Legacy

St. Faustus of Riez’s immediate influence was felt in the theological and monastic circles of Gaul. He was, in his lifetime, regarded as the unofficial leader of the Gallic episcopate – Sidonius calls him “the great Faustus” and notes bishops across Gaul looked to him for guidance johnsanidopoulos.com . Through his sermons and letters, Faustus helped shape the spirituality of southern Gaul, emphasizing the value of monasticism in the Church. Notably, his former monastery Lérins continued to produce bishop-saints (e.g. St. Caesarius of Arles had ties to Lérins and would later compile a rule possibly influenced by Faustus’s ideas on monastic discipline). Faustus’s theological stance on grace influenced the semi-Pelagian controversy well beyond his death. His writings were cited (often critically) by later proponents of Augustinian grace. When the Second Council of Orange (529) finally condemned semi-Pelagian propositions, it was essentially settling issues that Faustus and his peers (Cassian, Vincent) had raised decades earlier en.wikipedia.org britannica.com. In that sense Faustus’s work De Gratia became a foil against which the Church more clearly defined orthodox teaching on grace – a role similar to Origen’s in earlier doctrinal development (influential even in error). Orange’s balanced formula (“no one can merit the initial grace of conversion, yet man must freely cooperate” en.wikipedia.org en.wikipedia.org) can be seen as a posthumous synthesis of Augustine and Faustus.

In the Middle Ages, Faustus’s homilies continued to circulate (if anonymously), feeding the preaching content of numerous sermons. The high medieval collections of homilies used in monastic lectionaries include material from Faustus – for example, an excerpt from Faustus on the Epiphany appears in the Roman Breviary lesson for the octave of Epiphany crossroadsinitiative.com . Thus, clergy and monks for centuries were unknowingly quoting Faustus in their daily offices. His influence also percolated into the Carolingian renaissance ; writers like Paschasius Radbertus and Ratramnus, who debated the Eucharist in the 9th century, could find in Faustus an early attestation of Real Presence theology. In the later patristic florilegia, Faustus was sometimes listed among authorities (though occasionally confused with Faustus of Milevis, an African bishop – a distinction later scholars had to clarify brepolsonline.net ).

In Eastern Christendom, interestingly, Faustus of Riez is recognized as a saint precisely because his synergistic theology aligns with Orthodox soteriology. Modern Orthodox writers laud Faustus (along with Cassian) for upholding the necessity of human synergy with divine grace , in contrast to what they perceive as Augustine’s over-emphasis on predestination johnsanidopoulos.com johnsanidopoulos.com. The Orthodox Church commemorates St. Faustus on the same date (Sept. 28), highlighting his role as a holy bishop and miracle-worker. This cross-cultural veneration underscores that Faustus’s legacy is not one of a condemned heretic, but rather of a revered ascetic bishop who, despite some theological imprecision, greatly strengthened the Church of his time. His life of sanctity – from carrying out corpses in famine to fearlessly preaching truth to power – left an exemplary model of pastoral leadership.

In conclusion, the translated Sermones of St. Faustus in PL 58 open a window into the mind of a 5th-century monk-bishop grappling with doctrinal, moral, and pastoral challenges. We see in these homilies a man of deep faith and courage, ardently defending the fullness of Christ’s truth (against heresy) while equally ardently defending the role of man’s free response to God. Faustus’s sermons marry theological reflection with practical exhortation – a synthesis much needed in any age. Though the Church later adjusted some of his theological nuances, it never ceased to admire his holiness and zeal. Indeed, reading his homilies today, one can still feel the ardor of a shepherd who loved his flock and strove to lead them to “persevere to the end” in order to be saved augustinian.org . In that, St. Faustus of Riez remains a compelling voice from antiquity, teaching and inspiring across one and a half millennia.

Sources: Primary sources are Faustus’s homilies and treatises as edited in Patrologia Latina 58 and CSEL 21. This analysis also incorporates modern scholarly insights encyclopedia.com ccel.org crossroadsinitiative.com augustinian.org, including the Catholic Encyclopedia catholic.com catholic.com and studies on 5th-century Gallic preaching academia.edu . The translations of Faustus’s sermons (PL 58) were used for direct quotations and thematic content.